This commentary is by David Martin Delaney, a resident of Burlington and a student at the University of Vermont.
The world has been aghast at the approximately 130,000 Russian soldiers, with accompanying tanks, vehicles and equipment, that have been built up on the borders of Ukraine.
Even now, more material and men are being moved to the front. The talk of nearing invasion is everywhere, and our congressional delegation has the duty to act.
But what exactly is going on in Ukraine? After years of supporting a war in eastern Ukraine and illegally annexing Crimea in 2014, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s aggression against Ukraine is accelerating again. Ukraine’s growing closeness to the west, and to Europe, has resulted in an imminent threat of attack, this time with the potential to destroy the state and cost thousands of lives.
This on its own would be naked aggression. Ukraine is an independent nation, with the right to conduct its own foreign policy, and enter into alliances like NATO, or organizations like the European Union, as it pleases. Russia has a right to worry about alliances it deems threatening and encroaching on its borders, but Putin has been the one making Ukrainian NATO membership more likely by its aggression against Ukraine, funding a war within its borders which has claimed thousands of lives.
But President Putin is not content with that and may still invade the country, which would constitute raw warmongering and a humanitarian disaster. A war in Ukraine would be a nightmare.
But this is about more than just Russia and Ukraine. It’s about which principles govern our world. Putin stands for might makes right, that his army is more powerful and therefore he can impose his will on the Ukrainian people.
Putin stands for 19th-century imperial notions of spheres of influence โ that Ukraine has been historically part of the Russian nation-state, and that today Ukraine borders Russia and contains many Russian-speaking people, and therefore ultimately must remain in Russia’s orbit, regardless of popular will.
Ukraine, while flawed, is still a democratic republic that derives its power from its people. If Putin continues to disregard Ukraine’s sovereignty and destroys its armed forces, thus succeeding in imposing his will upon Kyiv, it will represent the victory of an empire’s conquest over democratic self-management.
What does this mean for Americans and Vermonters?ย Ukraine is a bellwether for global conflict. If we successfully deter war there and reject isolationism, it will signal American commitment to defending democracies.ย If Putin has his way with Ukraine, it will signal that bigger-army diplomacy and brute-force conquest remains viable. If America embraces isolationism and refuses to support democracy, it could make Taiwan more vulnerable to an attack from China, and it could leave the Baltic nations more at risk from Russia. Globally, it will leave smaller nations more vulnerable to bigger nations around them.ย
Our world will be more chaotic, more violent, and more dangerous. Our economy will suffer, with global supply chain issues worsening for an indefinite period of time, and there will undoubtedly be a global market tumble.
But also the values we aspire to โ liberal democracy, individual liberty and self-determination โ will be in retreat around the world, and eventually we will feel these consequences both in our pocketbooks and perhaps one day at home.
So what can Sen. Leahy, Sen. Sanders and Rep. Welch do? A lot. They can support congressional action on sanctions if Russia attacks. These sanctions should be targeted at the elites, bankers, industrialists and oligarchs who would provide key support to Putin’s dictatorship.
Such sanctions include recent efforts to pass the “Mother of All Sanctions,” with an emphasis on Russia’s oil industry, and sanctions on the new Russian gas pipeline Nord Stream 2 (which is also an environmental hazard).
They can provide vocal support to President Biden’s effort to transfer the weapons Ukraine needs to defend themselves in the event of attack. By providing weapons, logistical support, and training to the Ukrainian army, and by wielding the threat of sanctions, we can deter an invasion from even happening in the first place.
Our representatives can also promote reductions in fossil fuel use worldwide, to reduce global dependence on Russian gas exports. Our congressional team has outsize power due to lifetimes of public service and seniority, and they can use this authority to support Ukraine.
Nobody wants American soldiers on the ground, or in harm’s way, or the risk of the mere possibility of direct conflict with Russia, but we have the power to to deter an attack, and give Ukraine the power to fight back if it is attacked.
Vladimir Putin has the power to stop this. Russia and Ukraine both deserve peace and safety. At any time, he can draw back his forces, stop his intransigent demands to Europe and America, and come to the table in good faith. Ideally, a peaceful settlement can be reached that respects Ukraine’s right to govern itself, stops Russian intrusion into the domestic affairs of Ukraine, but also can work toward democratic self-determination for Russians living in Ukraine’s far-eastern provinces.
But until President Putin decides to do the moral and smart thing, Vermont’s representatives should act both to deter an invasion, and support Ukraine strongly if an invasion occurs.
