Editor’s note: Inside the Golden Bubble is an occasional column on politics.
Last week was a doozey for the Vermont House of Representatives. Lawmakers spent four full days in politically charged debates over the budget, tax and health care reform bills that passed, one by one, right on schedule (though the “single-payer” legislation wasn’t approved on third reading until 12:48 a.m. Thursday). By Friday, legislators were looking pretty bedraggled and began to sound cranky as they took up more than a dozen amendments.
The Democrats steamrolled through the money bills, despite hard-charging pushes from the left (liberals in the party and Progressives) and the right (Republicans). Not a single amendment of significance by a representative outside the Democratic fold (no matter how reasonable) was considered on the floor. The suggestion that the work of the House Appropriations, Ways and Means and Health Care committees’ work wasn’t perfect in every way was treated either as a personal attack, an act of disrespect, or, in a slightly better light, as an affront to the integrity of the legislative process.
“Discipline” is the watchword for Dems these days. Loyalty to their committees, their speaker and their governor is of the utmost importance to the rank and file. The leadership’s ability to get back benchers to line up behind a given policy is impressive, but does this adherence to political hierarchy take precedence over policy suggestions from outside the collective group think that might in fact improve the flavor (and quality) of the legislative sausage-making — even if it gives leadership a slight case of indigestion?
Lawmakers are told that if they are going to vote against the preordained party position to do the courtesy of letting the leadership know (so that there is time for persuasive counter action).
As one member put it, “you have to drink the Kool-Aid” to get along. Power emanates from the Speaker’s office and woe betide the chair who dares to buck the party line. Witness Rep. Johannah Donovan’s retreat from support of an amendment that would have placed a surtax on high income taxpayers. Though Donovan, a staunch Democrat from Burlington, initially sponsored the proposal, when it came to the floor, she reneged on her support, sources say, because she was told she could lose her coveted seat as chair of House Education.
So much for House Speaker Shap Smith’s assertion at the beginning of the session that there could be dueling press conferences with the governor over possible policy disputes. On the other hand, “discipline” is the hallmark of a well run House, some observers say, and the efficacy of the legislative process is a harbinger of a timely adjournment. After all, the Dems are in charge of the executive and legislative branches of government, though it’s rare to see such pervasive uniform thinking.
Here are a few key ideas and statements from several dissenting voices from last week’s debate:
- Rep. Cynthia Browning, D-Arlington, warned her colleagues that the universal health care legislation could impact the state’s AAA bond rating if it does not include a provision requiring a 5 percent reserve fund. Browning said the state would need to set aside $200 million, for example, if the new health care system costs $4 billion, as some have estimated. (Vermont spends $5 billion a year on the medical industry now; the new system is supposed to save money.) She also advised lawmakers to consider requiring that an actuary be one of the five members on the Green Mountain Care Board. CLARIFICATION: Her recommendations were not presented as an amendment to the legislation. Rep. Mark Larson, D-Burlington, chair of House Health Care pointed out that H.202 requires in Section 8 that the Secretary of Administration to consider (5) whether it is necessary or advisable to implement a financial reserve requirement or reinsurance mechanism to reduce the state’s exposure to financial risk in the operation of Green Mountain Care;
- Rep. Oliver Olsen, R-Jamaica, presented an amendment addressing a change in the General Fund transfer to the Education Fund. Olsen said the amount was set to decrease by about $8 million in fiscal year 2013 because of the way the formula for calculating the revenue shift works. He said this is a back door way of shifting the tax burden onto property tax owners. His amendment failed.
- Rep. Tom Koch, R/D-Barre Town, suggested that House members consider reinstating $319,000 in funding for high school student assistance professionals who help teenagers with substance abuse problems. The governor recommended zeroing out the program; House Appropriations restored 25 percent of the funding. Koch’s proposal would have left the SAPs with 50 percent; the money would have come from the Vermont Housing and Conservation Board. The suggestion was not supported.
- Rep. Paul Poirier’s proposals to restore most of the human services cuts – through tax increases, use of $11 million in stabilization reserve funds and use of tobacco trust fund dollars — elicited tepid responses from the Democratic caucus. After his ideas were dismissed by House budget-writers on Friday, Poirier intoned: “I’m a guest in your room, and I’m glad to be here, but I don’t know the difference, when we start getting down to this kind of level of cuts and what we’re doing to people, what being a Democrat is about. I’m very frustrated with what’s happening in D.C. We have a president who wants to cut $40 billion. I’m just saying I can tell you someone sat in the seat you’re in before and worked their butts off to get some of these programs in place.” His two amendments to the budget bill were rejected shortly afterward.
- Rep. Adam Greshin, I-Warren, voted for the universal health care bill, but he did so “with trepidation.”
I supported the amendments presented by the member from Arlington, and one of the amendments from the member from Northfield. For different reasons I think they would have been an improvement over what we were presented. But at the end of the day, I had to make a decision about what was put in front of me. And I decided to vote to proceed. I didn’t vote for a benefits package, I didn’t vote for a financing method, I didn’t vote for a cost-sharing method. Those decisions have yet to be made and we will surely have the opportunity to voice our opinions before they are. In the final analysis, I decided the only thing worse than voting for this bill would be to vote to do nothing.
I’m a private employer and we have a mid-sized health insurance plan for our employees. As such, we are at ground zero in the famous cost shift. And we are being punished annually for our misfortune.
I too have concerns with this bill. Specifically, setting the base benefit level at Catamount Blue and an actuarial value of health services at .87 virtually guarantees financial failure of this plan. I am comforted by the language in the bill that shows this is the “intent” of the legislature as opposed to the requirement. I’m confident further analysis will require readjustment of these goalposts and we will make them.
But that’s just the point. None of those decisions are set in stone. In fact, not much of anything is set in stone in this bill. In voting for it, I’m saying to proceed.
Perhaps the Dems, after a weekend of R and R, will take time to reflect on some of the criticisms the GOP leveled at the partisan nature of the legislative process before they charge ahead with the omnibus energy bill, the capital bill and transportation bill (all likely this week). Not to mention proposals to substantially change the public records act and a plan to give childcare workers the right to unionize. But that perhaps is unlikely — this is politics, after all.
Expect to see the focus shift to Senate now, as the money bills make their way through the more deliberative body. Senators will begin to move beyond thumb-twiddling testimony taking into high gear this week.
Editor’s note: A write-thru of this story was posted at 7:05 a.m.































Permalink |
Deja Vu. Remember Nancy Pelosi strong arming all the minions below her? Shap Smith has done the same! Don’t think that this doesn’t leave a bitter taste in the mouths of Vermont citizens of either party. The Democrats will regret it when the house flips Republican in the next election!
Permalink |
Actually, the leadership looks more like shades of Ralph Wright, and that’s not necessarily bad.
We’ll see.
Permalink |
Patricia Crocker should have listened to Rep. Joe Acinapura (R) – Rutland 7 who admonished all House members who wanted to introduce amendments to the budget that involved changing policy. It has been a long standing and customary practice to NOT change policy on the House floor. Policy changes should be carefully thought out and should allow citizen input and testimony. He asked all those who were introducing amendments – “Where were you when we were taking testimony on this budget? Why didn’t you arrange to come upstairs to advocate for this change before we passed this bill out of committee?” Good questions!
Permalink |
” The great leader of this House understand that their function is to produce other leaders with meritorious ideas, not to produce more followers who act without thought”
Sir Winston Churchill
Permalink |
I have to say that I didn’t feel strong armed by my party in the votes last week. I voted my conscience and I have yet to be punished for doing so.
Permalink |
The best source regarding me is ME! Your source is totally inaccurate to say the I was ever threatened with the loss of my chairmanship of the Committee of Education if I supported the Poirier amendment. In fact, I never intended to support the amendment. I signed on to H. 401 weeks ago and joined with Rep. Pearson and Rep. Poirier two weeks ago to raise awareness that many members of the House from all parties were interested in having the discussion about raising income taxes. I accomplished that goal. It is my understanding the H. 401 may be discussed by Ways and Means when they deal with the recommendations of the Blue Ribbon Tax Commission.
Permalink |
Joey….I’m appalled!!!! Tom
(P.S. to all but Joey….Inside joke between a current and former legislator. Not to be seriously.)
Permalink |
The caption under the second photo reads: “Rep. Paul Poirier, D-Barre City”.
Although he was formerly a Democrat, Rep. Paul Poirier became an Independent during the last session and ran as such during the 2010 election.
Permalink |
Political cowardice is rife!
Permalink |
The views on the wisdom of “party discipline” in legislative bodies tend to ebb and flow, often dependent on a subjective view of particular circumstances. Yet, here are three historical incidents illustrating individual responses of Vermonters in the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives:
– First, when Lyndon Johnson began the Great Society, one of his early acts was the creation of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, a significant contribution by the federal government in providing resources to states and local school districts. A centerpiece of ESEA was what was called Title I, which provided supplemental resources to local schools to help raise the education levels of “disadvantaged students.” ESEA was a great piece of legislation, but Vermont Senator Win Prouty, who was the lead Republican on education issues on the jurisdictionally-responsible Senate committee, objected to how the majority had rushed ESEA through, that it was written in the White House and did not allow for any changes, “not the crossing of a ‘T’ or the dotting of an ‘i’”;
– Second, in 1981, when Reaganomics was rushing through Congress, the House passed, by means of a coalition of Blue Dog Democrats and the minority Republicans, a massive rewrite of federal law (the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act) so quickly that the bill sent to the House floor even had the name and phone number of Rita Seymour, a CBO analyst, printed in the margin. Jim Jeffords bucked party discipline and was the only Republican to vote against the bill; and
– Third, when that same bill came to the Senate, which was controlled by the Republicans, Bob Stafford, my old boss, joined with another Republican, Lowell Weicker, to stop progress dead in its tracks in the Labor and Human Resources Committee, which had a 9-7 GOP majority. Stafford and Weicker objected to some of the damaging changes proposed to that same ESEA Win Prouty questioned in 1965. Stafford won some compromises from the White House and the Senate leadership that protected fundamental elements of ESEA and eventually voted for the bill.
By and large, I believe much of OBRA was horrid and much of ESEA was commendable. Now, Win Prouty tended to celebrate party discipline in questioning ESEA; Jim Jeffords and Bob Stafford, in their own ways, bucked party discipline when it came to OBRA, which was the centerpiece of Ronald Reagan’s first term in office.
Who was right: Win Prouty or Bob Stafford and Jim Jeffords? The answer depends on your point of view, but it just goes to show that many Vermonters have celebrated both Stafford and Jeffords for their willingness to buck party discipline in particular cases. Ultimately, while I see wisdom in party discipline in general, there are tons of exceptions that illustrate that the answer is never easy.